Whether there should be right wing comms is up to an instance’s admins, and whether other instances should federate with it is up to the admins of other instances.
The USian obsession with free speech comes from the over-application of a first amendment right. That freedom is in fact a restriction on the State to abridge speech, and not a restriction on Lemmy mods or admins.
Antisemites hardly need to hide behind anti-Zionism when there are plenty of antisemitic Zionists. It would be counter-productive if they did, because antisemites would love to see Jews removed from their country, and why not removed to Israel?
But scapegoating poor whites keeps the conversation away from fascism’s real base: the petite bourgeoisie. This is a piece of jargon used mostly by Marxists to denote small-property owners, whose nearest equivalents these days may be the “upper middle class” or “small-business owners.” FiveThirtyEight reported last May that “the median household income of a Trump voter so far in the primaries is about $72,000,” or roughly 130 percent of the national median. Trump’s real base, the actual backbone of fascism, isn’t poor and working-class voters, but middle-class and affluent whites. Often self-employed, possessed of a retirement account and a home as a nest egg, this is the stratum taken in by Horatio Alger stories. They can envision playing the market well enough to become the next Trump. They haven’t won “big-league,” but they’ve won enough to be invested in the hierarchy they aspire to climb. If only America were made great again, they could become the haute bourgeoisie—the storied “1 percent.”